that a decision by Kahnawake chiefs or his Father could be final and may certainly shape decisions taken in Kanesatake ( I am a Child, my hands are tied ). Onarahison nonetheless expressed his Native identity ( we are Indians ) and maintained that he did not wish to join either side involved in the conflict.

Following this event, which greatly contributed to enhancing Kahnawake's mistrust for the Patriotes, Duncan Campbell Napier, Lower Canada's Superintendent General of Indian Affairs (Leighton 1977), issued a letter of appraisal and conduct which stated:

His Excellency highly approves of the Conduct of his Red Children on this occasion and desires that you will exhort them to continue [to be] faithful to their Great Father, who will not abandon them while they obey his injunctions and will punish those who molest and ill treat them. You will be pleased to caution the Indians generally that they are not to give up their arms and ammunition to any person unless directed to do so by their Father at Quebec. (letter to Walcott, 7 December 1837, ANQM 1837-38, no. 668)

The orders were thus very clear; fearing that Patriotes might gather Native support, Indians were ordered not to give up their arms to the rebels and to remain quiet in their villages unless their assistance would be needed by the government.

On 9 December 1837, British authorities decided to install a large garrison of troops in Kahnawake for the purpose of establishing surveillance posts overlooking the St. Lawrence. However, such a measure was unsuccessful due to Marcoux's opposition to having British soldiers in Kahnawake. Fearing he would lose control over his Indians, the curé recalled an incident during the War of 1812 when Americans attacked British troops stationed in Akwesasne. He argued that placing soldiers in Kahnawake would incite the Patriotes to attack the village: une compagnie de soldats ici, quant même elle serait de cinquante hommes, pourrait en attirer plusieurs cents des Paroisses voisines et [causerait] un massacre (Marcoux to Napier, 10 December 1837, NAC RG10 vol. 94: 38855). Instead, he suggested installing several guard posts in Lachine (ibid.). Hughes criticized Marcoux's opposition to government proposals and noted that the curé's ideas were laughable (Hughes to Napier, 10 December 1837, NAC RG10 vol. 94: 38856).

On 13 December, Kahnawake as well as the British Army headquarters in Montréal were once again shaken by rumors of Patriote invasion. No sooner had British troops marched out to St. Eustache to disperse the Patriotes assembling there than a report was received that insurgents were within three miles of Lachine (Senior 1985: 127). According to John Fraser, an observer who shouldered his musket at the time (Fraser 1890: 73), there was a great scare on that night. A horseman of the Lachine Troop of Cavalry received information that the rebels have escaped from St. Eustache, and are reported advancing in force on Lachine, to capture the arms there for the frontier volunteers (ibid.: 56). Fraser states that, as a result, there was a wild hurrying on the streets of Montréal. To arms, was the cry, the rebels are at hand! (ibid.). As rumors spread that Montréal itself would be invaded, Colonel Wilgress quickly had this note sent to Kahnawake:

To the first Chief of the Indians of Caughnawaga. You are hereby directed immediately to bring over to Lachine all the effective men you can collect, with all the arms in your possession. (Wilgress to Kahnawake chiefs, 13 December 1837, NAC RG10 vol. 94: 38830)

In turn, sur cet ordre, ils (Iroquois) ont amené une partie du village de l'autre côté, avec leurs fusils (Marcoux to Hughes, 14 December 1837, NAC RG10 vol. 94: 38850-3). Senior accounts that two hundred Indian warriors immediately crossed the St. Lawrence (Senior 1985: 127). According to Fraser, who was quite impressed with the scene,

the river was literally covered with Indian canoes; every warrior in Caughnawaga was crossing to join the Lachine Brigade. The cheer of welcome from that little band of volunteers, which greeted the arrival of the Indian warriors, and their wild war-whoop in response, was a sound, a sight, and a scene, the like of which will never again be seen or heard in this Province. (Fraser 1890: 60)

However, the report was a false one and a few short hours later, the Iroquois men from Kahnawake quickly returned to their village (ibid.: 58-61).

Other sources tell a more nuanced story. Once the young men were ready to depart for Lachine, Kahnawake resident and ferry operator George de Lorimier swiftly ordered them out of his boats (Eustache Oraquatiron, ANQM 1837-38, no. 2406). Marcoux writes:

On vint de Lachine demander les sauvages avec leurs armes. Ils partirent donc en grand nombre, emmenant tous les canots de Lorimier. Ils voulaient prendre aussi les bateaux, mais il (de Lorimier) les en empêcha, en disant que Mr. Brown de Beauharnois lui avait envoyé des ordres de tenir ses bateaux prêts pour le lendemain matin, afin de traverser plusieurs compagnies de miliciens qui devaient aller prendre des armes à Lachine. Il leur ajouta que peut-être, il n'était pas prudent pour eux de marcher sans avoir un ordre de leur surintendant. (Marcoux to J.-V. Quiblier, 5 February 1838, APSS).

Overall, George de Lorimier refused to lend his boats to the members of the expedition because he...